2 [Why social reform is necessary for political reform] | |
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[1:] The path of social reform, like the path
to heaven (at any rate, in India), is strewn with many difficulties.
Social reform in India has few friends and many critics. The critics
fall into two distinct classes. One class consists of political
reformers, and the other of the Socialists.
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[2:] It was at one time recognized that
without social efficiency, no permanent progress in the other fields of
activity was possible; that owing to mischief wrought by evil customs, Hindu
Society was not in a state of efficiency; and that ceaseless efforts
must be made to eradicate these evils. It was due to the recognition of
this fact that the birth of the National Congress was accompanied by the foundation of the Social Conference.
While the Congress was concerned with defining the weak points in the
political organisation of the country, the Social Conference was engaged
in removing the weak points in the social organisation of the Hindu
Society. For some time the Congress and the Conference worked as two
wings of one common activity, and they held their annual sessions in the
same pandal.
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[3:] But soon the two wings developed into
two parties, a 'political reform party' and a 'social reform party',
between whom there raged a fierce controversy. The 'political reform
party' supported the National Congress, and the 'social reform party' supported the Social Conference.
The two bodies thus became two hostile camps. The point at issue was
whether social reform should precede political reform. For a decade the
forces were evenly balanced, and the battle was fought without victory
to either side.
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[4:] It was, however, evident that the fortunes of the Social Conference
were ebbing fast. The gentlemen who presided over the sessions of the
Social Conference lamented that the majority of the educated Hindus
were for political advancement and indifferent to social reform; and
that while the number of those who attended the Congress was very large,
and the number who did not attend but who sympathized with it was even
larger, the number of those who attended the Social Conference was very
much smaller.
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[5:] This indifference, this thinning of its
ranks, was soon followed by active hostility from the politicians. Under
the leadership of the late Mr. Tilak, the courtesy with which the Congress allowed the Social Conference the use of its pandal
was withdrawn, and the spirit of enmity went to such a pitch that when
the Social Conference desired to erect its own pandal, a threat to burn
the pandal was held out by its opponents. Thus in the course of time the
party in favour of political reform won, and the Social Conference
vanished and was forgotten.
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[6:] The speech delivered by Mr. W. C. Bonnerji in 1892 at Allahabad, as President of the eighth session of the Congress, sounds like a funeral oration on the death of the Social Conference, and is so typical of the Congress attitude that I venture to quote from it the following extract. Mr. Bonnerji said:"I for one have no patience with those who say we shall not be fit for political reform until we reform our social system. I fail to see any connection between the two. . .Are we not fit (for political reform) because our widows remain unmarried and our girls are given in marriage earlier than in other countries? because our wives and daughters do not drive about with us visiting our friends? because we do not send our daughters to Oxford and Cambridge?" (Cheers [from the audience]) |
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[7:] I have stated the case for political reform as put by Mr. Bonnerji. There were many who were happy that the victory went to the Congress.
But those who believe in the importance of social reform may ask, is an
argument such as that of Mr. Bonnerji final? Does it prove that the
victory went to those who were in the right? Does it prove conclusively
that social reform has no bearing on political reform? It will help us
to understand the matter if I state the other side of the case. I will
draw upon the treatment of the untouchables for my facts.
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[8:] Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country, the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu
was coming along, lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The
untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or
around his neck, as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus
from getting themselves polluted by his touch by mistake. In Poona, the
capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung
from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind himself the dust he
trod on, lest a Hindu walking on the same dust should be polluted. In Poona,
the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot hung around his
neck wherever he went—for holding his spit, lest his spit falling on the
earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on
it.
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[9:] Let me take more recent facts. The tyranny practised by the Hindus upon the Balais, an untouchable community in Central India, will serve my purpose. You will find a report of this in the Times of India of 4th January 1928. The correspondent of the Times of India reported that high-caste Hindus—viz., Kalotas, Rajputs and Brahmins, including the Patels and Patwaris of the villages of Kanaria, Bicholi-Hafsi, Bicholi-Mardana, and about 15 other villages in the Indore district (of the Indore State)—informed
the Balais of their respective villages that if they wished to live
among them, they must conform to the following rules:
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[10:] The Balais refused to comply; and the Hindu
element proceeded against them. Balais were not allowed to get water
from the village wells; they were not allowed to let go their cattle to
graze. Balais were prohibited from passing through land owned by a
Hindu, so that if the field of a Balai was surrounded by fields owned by
Hindus, the Balai could have no access to his own field. The Hindus
also let their cattle graze down the fields of Balais. The Balais
submitted petitions to the Darbar[=Court of Indore] against these
persecutions; but as they could get no timely relief, and the oppression
continued, hundreds of Balais with their wives and children were
obliged to abandon their homes—in which their ancestors had lived for
generations—and to migrate to adjoining States: that is, to villages in Dhar, Dewas, Bagli, Bhopal, Gwalior and other States. What happened to them in their new homes may for the present be left out of our consideration.
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[11:] The incident at Kavitha in Gujarat happened only last year. The Hindus of Kavitha ordered the untouchables
not to insist upon sending their children to the common village school
maintained by Government. What sufferings the untouchables of Kavitha
had to undergo, for daring to exercise a civic right against the wishes
of the Hindus, is too well known to need detailed description. Another
instance occurred in the village of Zanu, in the Ahmedabad district of Gujarat. In November 1935 some untouchable women of well-to-do families started fetching water in metal pots. The Hindus
looked upon the use of metal pots by untouchables as an affront to
their dignity, and assaulted the untouchable women for their impudence.
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[12:] A most recent event is reported from the village of Chakwara in Jaipur State. It seems from the reports that have appeared in the newspapers that an untouchable of Chakwara who had returned from a pilgrimage had arranged to give a dinner to his fellow untouchables
of the village, as an act of religious piety. The host desired to treat
the guests to a sumptuous meal, and the items served included ghee
(butter) also. But while the assembly of untouchables was engaged in partaking of the food, the Hindus in their hundreds, armed with lathis,
rushed to the scene, despoiled the food, and belaboured the
untouchables—who left the food they had been served with and ran away
for their lives. And why was this murderous assault committed on
defenceless untouchables? The reason given is that the untouchable host
was impudent enough to serve ghee, and his untouchable guests were
foolish enough to taste it. Ghee is undoubtedly a luxury for the rich.
But no one would think that consumption of ghee was a mark of high
social status. The Hindus
of Chakwara thought otherwise, and in righteous indignation avenged
themselves for the wrong done to them by the untouchables, who insulted
them by treating ghee as an item of their food—which they ought to have
known could not be theirs, consistently with the dignity of the Hindus.
This means that an untouchable must not use ghee, even if he can afford
to buy it, since it is an act of arrogance towards the Hindus. This
happened on or about the 1st of April 1936!
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[13:] Having stated the facts, let me now state the case for social reform. In doing this, I will follow Mr. Bonnerji
as nearly as I can, and ask the political-minded Hindus, "Are you fit
for political power even though you do not allow a large class of your
own countrymen like the untouchables
to use public schools? Are you fit for political power even though you
do not allow them the use of public wells? Are you fit for political
power even though you do not allow them the use of public streets? Are
you fit for political power even though you do not allow them to wear
what apparel or ornaments they like? Are you fit for political power
even though you do not allow them to eat any food they like?" I can ask a
string of such questions. But these will suffice.
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[14:] I wonder what would have been the
reply of Mr. Bonnerji. I am sure no sensible man will have the courage
to give an affirmative answer. Every Congressman who repeats the dogma
of Mill
that one country is not fit to rule another country, must admit that
one class is not fit to rule another class. How is it then that the
'social reform party' lost the battle? To understand this correctly it
is necessary to take note of the kind of social reform which the
reformers were agitating for. In this connection it is necessary to make
a distinction between social reform in the sense of the reform of the Hindu
family, and social reform in the sense of the reorganization and
reconstruction of the Hindu Society. The former has a relation to widow
remarriage, child marriage, etc., while the latter relates to the
abolition of the Caste System.
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[15:] The Social Conference was a body which mainly concerned itself with the reform of the high-caste Hindu family. It consisted mostly of enlightened high-caste Hindus
who did not feel the necessity for agitating for the abolition of
Caste, or had not the courage to agitate for it. They felt quite
naturally a greater urge to remove such evils as enforced widowhood,
child marriages, etc.—evils which prevailed among them and which were
personally felt by them. They did not stand up for the reform of the
Hindu Society. The battle that was fought centered round the question of
the reform of the family. It did not relate to social reform in the
sense of the break-up of the Caste System.
It [=the break-up of the Caste System] was never put in issue by the
reformers. That is the reason why the Social Reform Party lost.
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[16:] I am aware that this argument cannot
alter the fact that political reform did in fact gain precedence over
social reform. But the argument has this much value (if not more): it
explains why social reformers lost the battle. It also helps us to
understand how limited was the victory which the 'political reform
party' obtained over the 'social reform party', and to understand that
the view that social reform need not precede political reform is a view
which may stand only when by social reform is meant the reform of the
family. That political reform cannot with impunity take precedence over
social reform in the sense of the reconstruction of society, is a thesis
which I am sure cannot be controverted.
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[17:] That the makers of political
constitutions must take account of social forces is a fact which is
recognized by no less a person than Ferdinand Lassalle, the friend and co-worker of Karl Marx. In addressing a Prussian audience in 1862, Lassalle said:
The constitutional questions are in the first instance not questions of right but questions of might. The actual constitution of a country has its existence only in the actual condition of force which exists in the country: hence political constitutions have value and permanence only when they accurately express those conditions of forces which exist in practice within a society. |
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[18:] But it is not necessary to go to Prussia. There is evidence at home. What is the significance of the Communal Award,
with its allocation of political power in defined proportions to
diverse classes and communities? In my view, its significance lies in
this: that political constitution
must take note of social organisation. It shows that the politicians
who denied that the social problem in India had any bearing on the
political problem were forced to reckon with the social problem in
devising the Constitution. The Communal Award is, so to say, the nemesis
following upon the indifference to and neglect of social reform. It is a
victory for the Social Reform Party which shows that, though defeated,
they were in the right in insisting upon the importance of social
reform. Many, I know, will not accept this finding. The view is
current—and it is pleasant to believe in it—that the Communal Award is
unnatural and that it is the result of an unholy alliance between the
minorities and the bureaucracy. I do not wish to rely on the Communal
Award as a piece of evidence to support my contention, if it is said
that it is not good evidence.
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[19:] Let us turn to Ireland. What does the history of Irish Home
Rule show? It is well-known that in the course of the negotiations between the representatives
of Ulster and Southern Ireland, Mr. Redmond, the representative of Southern Ireland, in order
to bring Ulster into a Home Rule Constitution
common to the whole of Ireland, said to the representatives of Ulster:
"Ask any political safeguards you like and you shall have them." What
was the reply that Ulstermen gave? Their reply was, "Damn your
safeguards, we don't want to be ruled by you on any terms." People who
blame the minorities in India ought to consider what would have happened
to the political aspirations of the majority, if the minorities had
taken the attitude which Ulster took. Judged by the attitude of Ulster
to Irish Home Rule, is it nothing that the minorities agreed to be ruled
by the majority (which has not shown much sense of statesmanship),
provided some safeguards were devised for them? But this is only
incidental. The main question is, why did Ulster take this attitude? The
only answer I can give is that there was a social problem between
Ulster and Southern Ireland: the problem between Catholics and
Protestants, which is essentially a problem of Caste. That Home Rule in
Ireland would be "Rome Rule" was the way in which the Ulstermen had
framed their answer. But that is only another way of stating that it was
the social problem of Caste between the Catholics and Protestants which
prevented the solution of the political problem. This evidence again is
sure to be challenged. It will be urged that here too the hand of the
Imperialist was at work.
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[20:] But my resources are not exhausted. I
will give evidence from the History of Rome. Here no one can say that
any evil genius was at work. Anyone who has studied the History of Rome
will know that the Republican Constitution of Rome bore marks having strong resemblance to the Communal Award.
When the kingship in Rome was abolished, the kingly power (or the
Imperium) was divided between the Consuls and the Pontifex Maximus. In
the Consuls was vested the secular authority of the King, while the
latter took over the religious authority of the King. This Republican
Constitution had provided that of the two Consuls, one was to be
Patrician and the other Plebian. The same Constitution had also provided
that of the Priests under the Pontifex Maximus, half were to be
Plebians and the other half Patricians. Why is it that the Republican
Constitution of Rome had these provisions—which, as I said, resemble so
strongly the provisions of the Communal Award? The only answer one can
get is that the Constitution of Republican Rome had to take account of
the social division between the Patricians and the Plebians, who formed
two distinct castes. To sum up, let political reformers turn in any
direction they like: they will find that in the making of a
constitution, they cannot ignore the problem arising out of the
prevailing social order.
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[21:] The illustrations which I have taken
in support of the proposition that social and religious problems have a
bearing on political constitutions seem to be too particular. Perhaps
they are. But it should not be supposed that the bearing of the one on
the other is limited. On the other hand, one can say that generally
speaking, History bears out the proposition that political revolutions
have always been preceded by social and religious revolutions. The
religious Reformation started by Luther was the precursor of the
political emancipation of the European people. In England, Puritanism
led to the establishment of political liberty. Puritanism founded the
new world. It was Puritanism that won the war of American Independence,
and Puritanism was a religious movement.
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[22:] The same is true of the Muslim Empire. Before the Arabs became a political power, they had undergone a thorough religious revolution started by the Prophet Mohammad. Even Indian History supports the same conclusion. The political revolution led by Chandragupta was preceded by the religious and social revolution of Buddha. The political revolution led by Shivaji was preceded by the religious and social reform brought about by the saints of Maharashtra. The political revolution of the Sikhs was preceded by the religious and social revolution led by Guru Nanak.
It is unnecessary to add more illustrations. These will suffice to show
that the emancipation of the mind and the soul is a necessary
preliminary for the political expansion of the people.    | |
Wednesday, 11 September 2013
Dr.B R.Ambedkar
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